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Hitler's 1924 Munich trial yielded evidence that the Nazi Party received $20,000 from
Nuremburg industrialists. The most interesting name from this period is that of Emil
Kirdorf, who had earlier acted as conduit for financing German involvement in the
Bolshevik Revolution.4 Kirdorfs role in financing Hitler was, in his own words:
In 1923 I came into contact for the first time with the National-Socialist
movement .... I first heard the Fuehrer in the Essen Exhibition Hall. His clear
exposition completely convinced and overwhelmed me. In 1927 I first met the
Fuehrer personally. I travelled to Munich and there had a conversation with
the Fuehrer in the Bruckmann home. During four and a half hours Adolf Hitler
explained to me his programme in de tail. I then begged the Fuehrer to put
together the lecture he had given me in the form of a pamphlet. I then
distributed this pamphlet in my name in business and manufacturing circles.
Since then I have placed myself completely at the disposition of his movement,
Shortly after our Munich conversation, and as a result of the pamphlet which
the Fuehrer composed and I distributed, a number of meetings took place
between the Fuehrer and leading personalities in the field of indus. try. For the
last time before the taking over of power, the leaders of industry met in my
house together with Adolf Hitler, Rudolf Hess, Hermann Goering and other
leading personalities of the party.5
In 1925 the Hugo Stinnes family contributed funds to convert the Nazi weekly Volkischer
Beobachter to a daily publication. Putzi Hanf-staengl, Franklin D. Roosevelt's friend and
proteg, provided the remaining funds.6 Table 7-1 summarizes presently known financial
contributions and the business associations of contributors from the United States. Putzi is
not listed in Table 7-1 as he was neither industrialist nor financier.
In the early 1930s financial assistance to Hitler began to flow more readily. There took
place in Germany a series of meetings, irrefutably documented in several sources, between
German industrialists, Hitler himself, and more often Hitler's representatives Hjalmar
Sehaeht and Rudolf Hess. The critical point is that the German industrialists financing
Hitler were predominantly directors of cartels with American associations, ownership,
participation, or some form of subsidiary connection. The Hitler backers were not, by and
large, firms of purely German origin, or representative of German family business. Except
for Thyssen and Kirdoff, in most cases they were the German multi-national firms  i.e.,
I.G. Farben, A.E.G., DAPAG, etc. These multi-nationals had been built up by American
loans in the 1920s, and in the early 1930s had American directors and heavy American
financial participation.
One flow of foreign political funds not considered here is that reported from the European-
based Royal Dutch Shell, Standard Oil's great competitor in the 20s and 30s, and the giant
brainchild of Anglo-Dutch businessman Sir Henri Deterding. It has been widely asserted
that Henri Deterding personally financed Hitler. This argument is made, for instance, by
biographer Glyn Roberts in The Most Powerful Man in the World. Roberts notes that
Deterding was impressed with Hitler as early as 1921:
...and the Dutch press reported that, through the agent Georg Bell, he
[Deterding] had placed at Hitler's disposal, while the party was "still in long
clothes," no less than four million guilders.7
It was reported (by Roberts) that in 1931 Georg Bell, Deterding's agent, attended meetings
of Ukrainian Patriots in Paris "as joint delegate of Hitler and Deterding."8 Roberts also
reports:
Deterding was accused, as Edgar Ansell Mowrer testifies in his Germany Puts
the Clock Back, of putting up a large sum of money for the Nazis on the
understanding that success would give him a more favored position in the
German oil market. On other occasions, figures as high as 55,000,000 were
mentioned.9
Biographer Roberts really found Deterding's strong anti-Bolshevism distasteful, and rather
than present hard evidence of funding he is inclined to assume rather than prove that
Deterding was pro-Hitler. But pro-Hitlerism is not a necessary consequence of anti-
Bolshevism; in any event Roberts offers no proof of finance, and hard evidence of [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]




 

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